The genocide in Gaza and the ongoing massacres in the West Bank, which has been occupied since 1967, prove that a solution to the conflict is not imminent. Zionism wants all the land without the Palestinian inhabitants, and all laws and actions are consistent with this goal and are, moreover, unconsciously accepted as such by the population. There are two theoretical solutions
1) the confiscation of all the territory by Israel (and some others in Syria, Lebanon, etc.) in defiance of all international laws,
2) the creation of two independent neighboring states with some territorial compromises and other military arrangements.
The first solution is in some ways the most logical given the situation on the ground, but it would lead directly to more massacres and the creation of Bantustans and other refugee camps in their countries. It also leads Israel to a dead end, with the prospect of the creation of an apartheid state that will end up like South Africa and result in the demise of that state within a few decades after its transformation into a theocracy that has little to do with democracy, and we are already on that path. It should not be forgotten that relying solely on a protector country (that of Donald) is always dangerous because alliances can change, and a week’s halt in US aid would be enough to put this country in danger of survival. This has been seen in history when the Kingdom of Israel chose the wrong protector—Egypt rather than Persia—and we know what happened.
I think it is better to choose solutions that give time to time and let the wounds heal a little before looking to the future. Despite their differences and three wars in less than 70 years, the French and Germans are closely intertwined and have children together. I was inspired by the war in Bosnia a few years ago to make a proposal, which was subsequently signed by prominent figures and friends who are now sadly no longer with us, such as François Tanguy. Before the war, Sarajevo was a peaceful, multi-ethnic city with interfaith marriages and no major problems. Then Milosevic, Mladic, and Karadzic’s Serbs started shooting at anything that moved, and we all know what happened next with the Srebrenica massacres and the conviction and death in prison of the Butcher of the Balkans. Mitterrand’s France refused to acknowledge the massacres, mired in its past and insisting that “the Serbs were on the right side during the war,” which is not true, as Belgrade was one of the first cities outside the Reich to be Judenfrei. Fortunately, Chirac then did what was necessary and stopped the war. I was able to go there with friends and theater people with the French army to provide support (in my case, medicine) and saw, as in all wars, both the horror and the sublime, the mutual aid and generosity. I’ll tell you all about that another time.
In order to stop the war, the United Nations, with the Dayton Agreement signed in Paris, took charge of Bosnia with a governor and sources of funding to separate the three communities and rebuild Bosnia. Admittedly, the agreement is imperfect, but it stopped the war and, over time, things will work out. There will inevitably be a peaceful federation of the three communities within the EU one day. Inspired by this, I spent a year working on a possible adaptation of this process for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. I even discussed it with Elias Sambar, Arafat’s representative on refugees at the Oslo peace negotiations, who rejected it because he felt it was unfair to put Palestine under a glass dome and not Israel during the interim period. To which I replied that, for the time being, the corrupt PLO government and the struggles with Hamas make this impossible. I received a more positive response from former Minister Védrine…
In summary, this proposal is based on the idea that the only way to stop a conflict is to separate everyone for a few years, allowing time for certain wounds to heal as much as possible—a bit like in a difficult divorce, where time heals all wounds. The Palestinians will have to make considerable efforts to rebuild their country. In short, we return to the 1967 borders with a few minor adjustments—as suggested by former Israeli Prime Minister Olmert and many Israeli generals—with a United Nations peacekeeping force for three to four years. Then general elections will be held and the Palestinians will choose their leaders—Barghouti having been released from Israeli prisons along with the other prisoners.
Admittedly, this program is quite outdated, with 700,000 settlers instead of 20,000 when I drew it up, and atrocious wars with massacres have taken place, but the principle remains valid. The main obstacle, as always, is the madness of the grotesque US president, but the facts are stubborn and will remain so. Israel’s Spartan militarism will reach its limits and will one day be destroyed. I am republishing this text, which appeared in the newspaper Libération in 2003 and which, in my opinion, remains valid. It could give some ideas to our leaders, who are clearly lacking in them. A little Gaullist politics would do no harm, if only because, with US isolationism and the 145 countries that have recognized Palestine, it is in France’s interest—not necessarily that of the large corporations that collaborate and make substantial profits—cf. the insightful analyses of the indomitable Francesca Albanese, the UN rapporteur for refugees and Palestine. It is in our interest to trade as much as possible with the rest of the world, particularly Arab countries.
Monday, September 29, 2003
Libération Rebounds
To resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, here is the separation plan that the UN should implement.
Middle East: peace lies in rupture
By Yehezkel BEN-ARI#, Edgar MORIN, Véronique NAHOUM-GRAPPE, and François TANGUY+
It is clear that the “road map” and the Oslo Accords are dying. Given the hatred and mistrust between the two peoples, the project of a binational state in the territory of Palestine in 1948 is illusory. Equally illusory are the various plans, as they all involve a status quo followed by a partial withdrawal of settlements and negotiations on the final border, thus providing numerous opportunities for extremists on both sides to resort to violence and prevent implementation. Internationalization of the conflict and separation of the two sides are therefore the only viable solution to the conflict (see Elie Barnavi, Marianne, September 2003).
The resignation of the Palestinian Authority is unjust. However, it is necessary because it guarantees the Palestinians the creation of a viable state.
We propose a peace plan based on the principle of complete separation without direct negotiations and an immediate return to the borders of June 6, 1967, with a United Nations peacekeeping force stationed along the 1967 border. During the interim period, limited to two years, the Palestinian Authority will transfer its powers to a UN-appointed governor who will be responsible for implementing a Marshall Plan for Palestine, in addition to commanding the peacekeeping force. This plan is led by the Quartet countries, in particular the EU, whose balanced relations with both sides and the failure of the US approach bogged down in Iraq offer a unique opportunity to reinvest in the region and assert its policy.
The resignation of the democratically elected Palestinian Authority is unjust. However, it is necessary because it guarantees the Palestinians the creation of a viable state on all the territories occupied since 1967 and makes it possible to obtain financial support for the reconstruction of Palestine. As for the Israelis, who have always opposed the internationalization of the conflict, it is finally time to adopt coercive measures in the event of refusal, including the EU blocking all relations, including economic ones, accompanied by an embargo and the inclusion of crimes committed during the conflict in proceedings before international courts. A firm stance will have a beneficial effect on public opinion, which is beginning to realize how much Sharon’s policy is a failure and ultimately poses a risk to the survival of the state (see the article by A. Burg in Le Monde on September 11). The United Nations Assembly votes on the following resolution.
Legal provisions
Article 1: The Palestinian Authority is dissolved and its executive powers are transferred for a period of two years to a governor appointed by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, on the recommendation of the permanent members of the Security Council. The present Arafat and the members of his government shall receive the assistance and protection of the governor general during this period.
Article 2: The governor shall command the intervention forces, control the finances, mint coins, and possess financial and economic powers, including the receipt of donations from states and charitable and UN organizations (UNRWA, etc.). He shall control the police and appoint representatives to local management and government bodies. However, elected mayors shall retain their powers until the next election.
Article 3: A representative constituent assembly composed of members of the Palestinian parliament, competent figures and Palestinian civil society figures from the diaspora shall be appointed by the Secretary-General of the United Nations six months after the start of the implementation of this agreement. It shall make a proposal for the organization of a Palestinian state no later than eighteen months after the start of the implementation of this agreement.
Article 4: General elections shall be held under the auspices of the United Nations eighteen months after the entry into force of this plan. They shall result in the election of the governing bodies of the Palestinian State, which shall take office six months later, on the date of expiry of the governor’s term of office. All persons living in Palestine or who left the territory since the Six Day War shall be eligible to vote and stand for election to these institutions.
Military and territorial aspects
Article 1: Israeli forces shall withdraw from the territories occupied since 1967 within six months of the adoption of this resolution. These forces shall not intervene in Palestinian territory under any circumstances. The facilities built by Israel—roads, buildings, military camps, etc.—shall be transferred to the transitional authorities in their current state.
Article 2: An interposition force shall be placed on the demarcation line of June 6, 1967. These forces – numbering around 10,000 soldiers and officers – shall have the primary task of preventing, including by the use of force, any movement between the two entities. They shall be placed under the command of the EU with the participation of the United States, (not realistic today) and the other members of the Quartet. Israeli forces may take any measures, including the construction of walls and the deployment of military forces, to seal the border, on the express condition that these elements are placed within the borders of the State of Israel – those of June 5, 1967.
Article 3: All Israeli settlements shall be transferred to Israeli territory no later than six months after the adoption of this resolution.
Article 4: During the transitional phase, Jerusalem, including the eastern part, shall remain under Israeli authority. Proposals for the final status of the city shall be made by a commission appointed for this purpose by the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The principle is that this city shall remain united with the central authorities of both States. If the Israelis refuse, the city shall be divided along the 1967 border. The annexation of the eastern part of the city by Israel – which has not been recognized by almost all nations – is null and void, as are the confiscations of property and land by Israel since 1967.
Article 5: The Palestinian police forces, composed in particular of police officers from the current authority, shall be placed under the authority of the governor, who shall appoint officers, including from outside elements.
Article 6: A general amnesty is declared for persons convicted of crimes related to the conflict, including blood crimes. Prisoners held in Israel shall be handed over to the authority of the governor. Similarly, Israeli military personnel shall not be prosecuted for acts related to the conflict that occurred prior to the signing of this agreement.
Article 7: A demilitarization plan is provided for in the agreement. In particular, it limits the future Palestinian army by prohibiting the possession of air and naval forces for 20 years and limiting the number of tanks.
Economic provisions
Article 1: A Marshall Plan is established to rebuild Palestine. It is endowed with a contingency fund of around €10 billion from the richest countries (the EU G7, the United States, etc.), global banks, and Arab countries. These funds are managed by the Governor of Palestine and allocated to the reconstruction of infrastructure—roads, hospitals, ports, and airports—as well as homes destroyed by the fighting. The construction work is carried out by Palestinian workers and technicians in order to restart the Palestinian economy.
Article 2: With the same aim in mind, the EU, the United States, Japan and neighbouring Arab countries agree to exempt Palestinian products from all taxes for a period of two years from the signing of these agreements.
Article 3 : The special fund compensates Israeli settlers for their property up to a maximum of €25,000, on condition that it is left in good condition. This sum is in addition to any compensation that may be awarded by the Israeli authorities.
Article 4: Apartments and houses left behind by settlers shall be distributed by a commission appointed by the governor, in particular to families who have lost a member during the war.
Other aspects
Article 1: At the end of the interim period, the new Palestinian authorities shall regain their sovereign rights and may adopt a law on the return of refugees.
Article 2: Compensation shall be offered to Palestinian refugees and/or their descendants who left Palestine during previous wars, particularly that of 1948. A budget financed by donations from wealthy organizations and states guaranteeing the implementation of this agreement shall be established and managed by a commission appointed by the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The State of Israel shall acknowledge its share of responsibility for the expulsion of Palestinians in 1948 and shall contribute to the special fund up to 10% of the total amount determined by the United Nations.
Yehezkel Ben-Ari is director of the Mediterranean Institute of Neurobiology #; Edgar Morin is a philosopher; Véronique Nahoum-Grappe teaches at the School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences; François Tanguy+ is former director of the Théâtre du Radeau in Le Mans.
